If Republicans take a hit in November, who is to blame?
August 15, 2006 at 2:38 pm
The fact that Republicans and their majorities are in jeopardy — especially in the House — is no secret around Washington. Congressional approval ratings are as low or lower than they were in 1994 and the President’s sinking poll numbers render him unable to help many vulnerable incumbents. Some conservative members of Congress have already privately conceded that Republican control of the House in January of 2007 is looking increasingly unlikely. That scenario would leave the Republican caucus in a vulnerable position. Not only would they be in the minority, but there would be plenty of finger pointing amongst themselves as to who is to blame for the fall from grace.
Congressional Quarterly ($) today examines the potential intra-party scrimmage in light of another possible scenario: Republicans maintaining power…but just barely:
In the House, the first post-election decision the leadership would have to make is what lesson to draw if the Republicans suffer significant but not majority-ending losses. Their governing strategy could depend on how they settle a debate already starting in the GOP ranks: Is their majority in trouble because they have moved too far to the right, or because they have made too many compromises that undermine basic conservative principles?
Many of the members most vulnerable to defeat are Northeastern moderates — among them Christopher Shays, Rob Simmons and Nancy L. Johnson of Connecticut — and lawmakers and political analysts generally agree that such moderates, many of whom represent areas with a Democratic lean, will take a disproportionate share of the losses Nov. 7. If so, the Republicans that remain in the House will be, on balance, even more conservative than they are now.
In some ways, that might make it easier for Hastert and Majority Leader John A. Boehner of Ohio to hold the conference together on tough votes such as spending cuts, since there would be fewer moderates to raise concerns. “You’d end up with the Republican Study Committee being more of the majority than they are today,” just as liberals have come to dominate the Democratic Party as their moderate ranks have thinned, said Franc.
And many of the conservatives who were left would argue that the losses happened because the base was demoralized. They’d say the solution is a back-to-the-basics approach that stresses tax cuts and spending restraint and rejects departures from conservative doctrine. “I think you become more united. You don’t try to do as many exotic things, and you stick to your principles,” said Rep. Tom Feeney of Florida, a member of the Republican Study Committee. “I don’t think a Medicare bill could pass today on the House floor.”
“The base is not upset with conservative congressmen. The base may sit on its hands for the moderates,” he said. “That’s not something I wish for, but it may happen.”
As the CQ story goes on to point out, liberal Republicans who survive the Fall elections will not sit idly by as conservatives attempt to place the blame (correctly in my opinion) at the feet of the big-spending moderates who have abandoned conservative principle. Indeed, expect the liberal Republicans to increase their calls for a “big tent” and to blame the Republican Study Committee for the lossed seats.
The key to the conservatives winning this intra-party scrimmage will be the effective marshalling of hard data. Did conservatives sit out the election in a protest of the GOP’s big spending, go-along-to-get-along backslapping brand of politics? Somebody better have carefully studied poll data that shows that to be the case if it is. Did conservative incumbents themselves survive the elections while moderates lost their seats? This will be an effective indicator as well.
Right now it is still a guessing game. But both camps in the Republican party are gearing up to make their case should the voters send the Republican majority a deafening wake up call.


Schwarz was a victim of his own liberal voting record. Targeted by the
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